On this 'simplicity of essences': Regulation, multiculture, and the aesthetic mode

Project Mimique London

On this 'simplicity of essences': Regulation, multiculture, and the aesthetic mode

Compiling these thoughts in October 2006, it would appear that the image is no longer working as a regulative power: a rupture has emerged in an established (but remarkably brief) stablisation of a regime of truth pivoting around the question of race. John Tagg (1988), after Foucault, elaborates:

It is not a question of struggle for 'truth' but rather a struggle around the status of truth and the economic and political role it plays. What defines and creates truth in any society is a system of more or less ordered procedures for the production, regulation, distribution and circulation of statements. Through these procedures 'truth' is bound in a circular relation to systems of power which produce and sustain it, and to the effects of power which it induces and which, in turn, redirect it (ibid, p 172) With multiculture under assault, one almost regrets its demise. In fact, the author began the intensive reading schedule that produced these fragments with an imperative to interrogate her comforts.

1.

Michel Foucault suggests that it is in the interplay of science and knowledge that relations of ideology are established (1972, p 185). Thus, one might say that multiculturalism as a discourse has been produced by the sciences of photography and neo-liberal governance in their relation to a multi-racial polity; that this shifting conception has gained a hold of the discourse of governance and of the functioning of the socio-political sciences, articulated when these institutions set to work on matters of (equality of) representation (thus institutionalising procedures of classification and measurement). In relation to photography, Tony Bennett remarks a conception shared by Louis Althusser, Pierre Macherey and Terry Eagleton, that the aesthetic mode is a form of cognition midway between the knowledge of science and its misrecognition in ideology. We find here the 'positive image' and its variant, the social marketing image, but also a wider conception of the multicultural: as simulation (Baudrillard) or surface form of the social. As a discursive practice, implicated in the process of reproduction, the neo-functionalist image operates by archetyping (a revision of the stereotype), manipulation of consent, collusion, and recuperation, and thus at various moments has entered into controversy with black film makers, anti-racist activists, and academics. Coward and Ellis (1977) also point to Freud and Lacan: the notion of the Imaginary relies on image production (a spectacular construct); multiculture becomes a distortion revealed as a wish.

The positive image itself was a strategic offensive: at once as part of a campaign by left metropolitan authorities in the early 1980s to eradicate racism (the concept seems heavily influenced by US studies of gender and race stereotyping on TV and their influence on children; Schuetz & J. Sprafkin, 1978, pp 69-71), and within what might be argued as a crisis of self- representation of the 'new urban left', paradoxically at the height of its power and popularity, but deeply threatened by the wider policies of the Thatcher administration and stigmatisations by the right-wing media. The campaign paralleled the incorporation of anti-racist teaching in London schools. The GLC soon found itself contesting its own legitimacy. Somewhat remarkably, the anti-abolition campaign became a popular cause, in part because the Council had attempted progressive intervention. The Council's anti-racist initiatives are noted retrospectively as amongst its most successful endeavours.

From memory, the initial GLC anti-racist campaign images were artfully lit, but reproduction of the tokenist mandate of multi-racial representation effected a reduction of the particular to a bland (and in their much repeated imitation, often degrading) universal or social. Such images were almost uniformly rigid, and avoided a foregrounding or perspectival play which might have enlivened their reception.

The productivity of power and a strategy of containment are both clear when the positive image is placed in the context of structural-functionalist conceptions (Cooke, 1983, p 88-89):

Conceptually, the norm is the kernel of order since it emerges first, from the recognition by the individual of the role he or she is expected to play by other individuals or institutions, and, second, from conformity to that expectation so as to gain approval from others (ibid, p 89). The late 1980s witnessed an attack from the right on anti- racism's conception, terminology and policy framework, and a stigmatisation of local authority anti-racist training and the work of the Commission for Racial Equality. Culture supplanted pigment as key referent of the 'New Racism' in the later years of the Thatcher administration, a foreclosure of 'culture' and 'nation' forcing an exclusion of those from non- nativist cultural, ethnic or racial backgrounds (John Solomos, 1989, p 35). An 'English' nativism was extolled by former Bradford headteacher Ray Honeyford (Integration or Disintegration, 1989) and enshrined in the 1988 Educational Reform Act (Back, 1996, p 9). References to a notional 'British way of life', much in evidence in official pronouncements after the July 7 2005 bombings, resonate with the language of the late 1980s here as a fabrication of liberties in the face of social and international conflict, and the notion of the Thatcherite 'enemy within', a fascist ideology that might well have been lifted straight from the writings of Nazi philosopher Carl Schmitt.

By the end of the decade, there emerged in left local government a social marketing paradigm (a dissimulation, a reflex, now hegemonic) which, recuperating a contestation of the rigidity of the positive image, mandated the photographer to pay attention to compositional dynamics, the skin colour of subjects, and power relations internal to image and in relation to camera and reader. Subjects were cropped closer to enhance their effect. Poverty, misery, destitution, challenge, were all out of the question in these clean functional pictures; in international development, images of poverty were branded a pornography of suffering equated (falsely?) with a rhetorical function similar to that of the semi-nude woman in post-war advertising. Self-reliance, happiness and learning epitomised this new social marketing image, a neo- liberal shift in rhetorical disclosure which became the sign of a 'progressive' institution, yet marked a closure of crisis for the left (i.e. abject defeat). Despite its institutional popularity, as with the GLC's representation of the social in 1982, there is a loss of particularity of the subject, the genre reflexes back to mass as image, the realist convention of subject as typical (Engels); conflict, disparity, and containment are removed from the frame. The paradigm exhibits an ideological inflection similar to the liberal falsities around employment: the subject of the image is portrayed as a free being (despite often carceral situations) and the State is promoted as beyond conflict and critique.

By this time, multiculture had entered into the public domain as social regulation, a restructuring and responsive principle derived from the anti-racism of the segmented-corporatist Labour local state in conflict with the nationalist (but culturalist) enclosure of the new right, and part of a corporate offensive of the sign restructuring both state and non-governmental bureaucracies within a neo-liberal framework.

2.

Rosalind Coward and John Ellis argue that:

vraisemblable

Reception is built by this technique: the positive image and its social marketing variant effect a reduction of content to the extent that the image (devoid of all but the most bland intrinsic signification) is really all that there is. Recipients are implicated in the communication of the message. There is a one dimensionality involved. The socialised recipient provides the message with every repetition of encounter (McLuhan in Guiraud, 1971, p 17); a moment of narrative stability in a heterogenous media flux (itself a process of containment), fixing the recipient as spectator and as benignly affirmative.

Multiculture with its base in the image also obscures another process by which consent is manufactured (and authority functions): by primary deferral to the extant social formation, a realist strategy which as Coward and Ellis assert, limits the productivity of the signifying chain, at the same time that it synchronises the subject with the social-democratic or segmented- corporatist State. Rather than dissolve with the mirage of power or strategies manifest, multiculture effects both power and the subject, a simulation in the affirmative; meanwhile, the 'Absolute Subject', the 'Social' and the 'State' are confirmed as contingent on crisis and multiple surface mediations, that is, as decentred.

In Husserlian terms, 'multiculture' as with 'culture' as self- defining essence (the essentialist self-conception of the emigre combines with the colour/culture-neutral sense of self of the white), becomes a 'deductive generality', a positing of what is essential and constitutive in our cognitive relation to the world, a misrecognition of a 'stream of experience' as intentional structure.

3.

Ideological strategies of concealment effect a topology polarised by the neo-functionalist paradigm of multiculture and the organicist constructions of race and culture. Race, defined by Foucault (and taken up by Gilroy, 2004) as a technology of the biopolitical State, is revealed as a chimera: Stuart Hall states 'race' as an open political construction, Robert Miles an ideology of its own with regulatory power, a 'paper tiger'. Michael Omi and Howard Winant have a more prosaic construction: race is simply a product of political and legal relations defining race categories and social meanings of equality, racism and ethnicity; Paul Gilroy views race as the complex and unstable product of racism itself.

Crucially, in discussions of multiculture, Homi Bhabha (1987) asserts that "understanding of the post-colonial subject leads to a notion of identity 'opposed to the relativistic notions of cultural diversity, or the exoticism of the diversity of cultures'" (Cross & Keith, 1993). 'Culture' as multiculture becomes a racialised categorisation implicated in regulation, yet effecting a denial of racism, distributional inequities, and discrimination. Susan J. Smith (1993) points to a conflation of 'race' and 'culture' in a process of denial; Les Back states that "European racism demands this distinction be maintained"; a repressive function. Culture itself is a highly volatile conception, premised on contestation and criticism (Raymond Williams), a site of struggle as much as assumptions of how individuals think and act (Smith) or the ideological ways-that-things-are-done; Smith herself points to the fallacies of essentialist conceptions of minority culture. Notions of subcultural semiology (refusal, bricolage; Hebdige, 1979) and transfusion (Back) unsettle essentialist conceptions, including that of white nativism, and can be utilised as radical, yet these never approach the force of the stabilisation implicit in the centrality of the image to neo- functionalist governmental techniques.

This topology reveals a process whereby regulative interest in the body (signified by 'race' "a taboo vestige of colonial and neo-colonial expansion"; (the unsaid?) of the organicist episteme), is substituted by the image (spectacular, simulation, and implicated in the perfection of social supervision of the post-Fordist state), and marks a displacement from the spatial and moral containers of organicism (place, community, family and nation) toward a dimension of comfort of voice, gesture and colour (that is, aspects of the Freudian sign) and a de/re-territorialisation; an effect (a dimension, a space) Julia Kristeva defined as the semiotic 'chora'. The chora is marked provisionally in semiotisable material by the resistances and facilitations of the Freudian drives, according to the pleasure principle. It precedes, but is grouped with, the thetic positionality of the mirror phase.

Elizabeth Grosz discussing Kristeva's work describes the chora as a relegation for women as providers of this space, reduced to maternity, "in which case they remain the silent underside of patriarchal functioning". Drives articulating the chora are arranged according to constraints imposed by family and social structures; the mother's body mediates symbolic law organising these social relations and becomes the organising principle of the chora. Regulation's displacement into the processes of the semiotic chora is an incredible co-option of motherhood as trace, along with the subtleties of existence -- comfort, sensitivity, softness, chromatic intensity, declarative tone, difference -- despite Kristeva's insistence that the chora itself is also on the path of destruction, aggressivity and death. Much like the organicist categories, the chora can be a volatile place, structured as it is by the oral and anal drives. But one feels that the motive force here is toward consumption pleasure rather than expulsion per se. Expulsion itself hinges on the pleasure principle, as Kristeva argues.

One might term multiculture a regulative intervention into thetic positionality (in Kristeva's schema the thetic encompasses both the formation of the semiotic chora and the mirror phase). The chora precedes predication, the thesis, making multiculture, in effect, always already there. The Act of Recognition (Lacan) of the mirror phase between six to 18 months, dissolved with the advent of the oedipus complex -- a recognition of absence of the mother by the child -- is accompanied by a desire for an identificatory image of its own stability and permanence (and an eventual propulsion towards language) by which it hopes to fill the lack. From the thetic phase on, the child is now constituted within the Imaginary, that is, the order of images, representations, doubles and others, in its specular identifications (Grosz, 1990, p 35), a process of misrecognition. Spatial intuition itself is regarded as a byproduct of the mirror stage. This is interesting when considering claims toward 'race' and spatial anxiety.

4.

One might say that 'multiculture' is the site where the city of contradiction gets written over; that multiculture has been written into the 'symbolic order' (Lacan) of the city, that is, into the languages and narratives of its (polarising) constitution.

Michael Cross and Michael Keith suggest that:

Race is a privileged metaphor through which the confused text of the city is rendered comprehensible (ibid, p 9). Urban policy has a contradictory relation to race and culture -- at times co-opted to effect a pathology (a closure of signification, fixing the subject in official and media discourse), at others, rejecting such an ideological process in favour of structural (economic and social) concerns. Werner Bonefeld (1987) defines a left local state paradigm of 'segmented-corporatism', a sophisticated social intervention which he describes as "a growing into society" in a "direct attempt to homogenise its interests" by the "flexible" integration of "social segments" (ethnic particularities a case in point). Bonefeld charges that this enables a less expensive, more flexible and repressive operation of social policy, reinforces attempts to depoliticise social problems and transforms politics into PR "without losing control over the restrictive means for integrating society". He describes the post-Fordist paradigm of state management as "a perfection of social supervision", superseding Fordist, post-Fascist techniques.

As culture is promoted via urban policy directives and funding withheld or streamlined via ethnicised criteria in competition, so culture, as a racialised phenomenon, becomes a social problem in itself. Funding for social and creative projects by ethnic particularity and with urban and social policy directives in mind is a standard of post-Fordist crisis management, and is regarded as antithetical to anti-racist activism (Black as a political category) and effecting division among previously solidarist Black and Asian organisations (Jeffers, 1993; Sivanandan in Cross & Keith, p 23). A functionalist discourse of social cohesion and integration (strategies of containment) defines cultural funding priorities, and even with the funding of ethnic organisations, economic development is confirmed as one the defining technologies of social democratic governance.

Urban and social policy with welfare state distribution effects define the terrain where racism attempts to structure power in a locality, and where the identity of the individual is defined as subordinate to the State and others (via the welfare/legal relation). Culture becomes the terrain of identity contestation (Back). Government initiatives such as Sure Start which embodies a renewed conception of cultural pathology (derived from antecedent racist US notions of the underclass) and the history of policies to counter the escalations of subculture -- for instance, around drug use -- clarify such a process. In its encounter with urban and social policy, the subcultural, a rearticulation of the (at times multi-) cultural paradigm, re-emerges through exclusion, stigmatisation, alienation and poverty.

5.

Susan J. Smith (1993) charges that the repertoire of a racially- segregated geographic and cultural imaginary has at differing moments contributed to the racialisation of migration laws, of settlement, and of culture.

Smith asserts that there has been a conflation of the 'migrant' to the euphemism 'colour', using the fact of migration as testimony to the 'fact' of racial differentiation. This, she says, allows problems rooted in white racism, and eliciting black resistance, to be defined as a consequence of the immigration process itself. Migration becomes seen as racialised and black migration is restricted. Racialised migration laws and a racialised conception of the inner city exist in reflexive relation.

The racialisation of residential space has, through the imagery of racial segregation, been important in legitimising the political management of Britain's urban crisis. Once these broader socio-economic problems, encapsulated in the declining inner cities, had been recast as socially and spatially discrete and essentially technically race-related problems, they were amenable to management through a variety of short-term panaceas rather than through any more fundamental realignment of mainstream policy (p 136). She asserts that, in the UK, racial segregation is a spectacular construction rather than lived experience. But one might point to the negative equity of racialised districts in Oldham, Bradford, Burnley and Keighley, a product of racist mortgage criteria, earlier ring-fencing by estate agents and discrimination in council allocation procedures, and the volatising effects of recession (Webster, 2003, p 104) as similar in effect to US zoning laws. However, crucially for this paper, Smith maintains that "Political imagery associated with the organisation of residential space has, through its role in initiating and legitimising policy change, contributed to [the essentialist construction of multiculture, that is] the racial categorisation [and subjugation] of groups and individuals according to who they are, where they come from, where they live, and how they act or what they are presumed to think" (Smith, p 129). She comments:

The racialisation of culture is not a new phenomenon, but in a decade dominated by the euphemisation of 'race' -- by what Reeves (1983) terms the deracialisation of political discourse, and by the ascendancy of what Barker (1981) calls the new racism -- it is playing an increasingly important part in deflecting attention away from black people's disproportionate experience of material disadvantage in Britain's economic 'new times' [...] [T]he politics of racial segregation have been crucial in negotiating the popular legitimacy of this process (ibid, p 137).
6.

London is fortunate that its C21 population is founded on displacement and migration, a plurality of minorities and diaspora; a city representative of what Jacques Derrida terms 'a new internationalism', avoiding the post-colonial, post-cold war xenophobia that "haunts the history of the present" (Spectres of Marx referenced by Homi Bhabha, 1996). Derrida demands a radical disjuncture at the level of the ontology of national belonging, commending (much like Castells' dissolution of the urban) mass media as public sphere for the disturbance of what he terms a 'national ontopology' ("that is, the specific binding of identity, location and locution/language that most commonly defines the particularity of an ethnic culture").

In the event of postmodern media dis-locations, historical culture or ethnic 'affiliation' must now be thought through a problematic break in the indigenous, even endogenous, link between 'the ontological value of present-being -- the political subject or cultural citizen -- and its situation in a stable and presentable determination of locality, the topos of territori[ali]ty, native soil, city...'. Derrida suggests that the displacement anterior to the imaginary of national rootedness counteracts the ontopological tendency. For the 'imagined community' of nationhood 'is rooted first of all in the memory or anxiety of a displaced -- or displaceable -- population (ibid, p 191). Homi Bhabha turns this on its head, developing a thesis of trauma, as refugees and minorities remediate nativist ontopology, or as he states it:

the transient intersection where the claims to a national culture within the ontopological tradition (the presentness of the past and the stability of cultural or ethnic ontology) are touched -- and are translated by -- the interruptive and interrogative memory of the displaced or displaceable populations that inhabit the national imaginary -- be they migrants, minorities, refugees or the colonised. At this conjuncture, the sign of 'cultural difference' or ethnic 'location' accedes to a kind of social and psychic anxiety at the heart of national-cultural identification (ibid, p 191). This anxiety forces a retroaction, a re-invention of the 'nation' yet also ethnic identity through new, and absolutist, restabilisations of 'culture' (including multiculture), effecting a re- functionalising of dominance through patriarchal and biopolitical codes of being and order.

Non-institutional white racism becomes a cathexis of the epidermal (the terminal signifier, Hall), while anxiety and projective violence exhibit a paranoid schizoid mechanism; a terror of the surface combining with a projected contestation of space (the terror of potential loss, the projected calamity). This space is a space of representation (Bhabha), and a function of conceived and entrenched privilege, not only ontological anxiety.

Bhabha makes an analogy between the structure of anxiety and the process of ontopological crisis. Following one of Freud's theses, he asserts that (separation) anxiety (like ontopology) is a "cathexis of longing [...] a defensive reaction to the felt loss or displacement of the object" (Sigmund Freud, Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety, 1989).

The structure of anxiety participates in [...] an iterative and uncanny articulation: anxiety works through an 'expectation of the trauma' and a 'repetition of it in a mitigated form'. [...] Anxiety keeps visible and present both the moment of nativity (or nationality) as trace and the displaced state of its objectlessness. In this sense, anxiety is a moment of transit or transition, where strangeness and contradiction cannot be negated, but have to be continually negotiated and 'worked through'. [...] Anxiety stands as a borderline; a frontier post that provides a space of representation/a strategy of reading that 'no longer concerns a distance rendering this or that absent, and then a rapprochement rendering this or that into presence'. What occurs is a laying bare of the substitutive structure itself, so that the moment of the ontology of cultural identity comes obliquely face-to-face with the anxiety and memory of its displacement (Bhabha, p 192). Other forms of anxiety can be argued to be influential in spatial policy and social assertion, notably phobia (one thinks of the fear of the mob that motivated Victorian highway 'improvements' in London, and the clearance of slum districts). Primary anxiety is linked to the dissolution of the ego, and along with castration, paranoid/persecutory and psychotic anxieties, (the latter refers to threats to identity), implicated in processes of racism. One might argue that these are also at the psychological base of such tenacious assertions of family and community by the working class, as well as the legislation of privilege in the zoning criteria of US suburbia, and thus implicated once again in racial segregation.

7.

The drives of the semiotic chora, and the mirror phase, are deeply implicated in the displacement of the object, this process of initial and traumatising loss. Julia Kristeva (1984) writes:

Rejection, in its excessive renewal of scission, destroys presence and annihilates the pause; as a result, there is neither ob-ject nor sub-ject, neither a "contrasting" nor a "subordinate" position, only the motility of the chora. Any ob-ject that may appear and be represented is nothing but the movement of rejection itself (ibid, p 182). A projective aggression precedes the formation of anxiety. Coward and Ellis suggest:

[T]he movement that establishes the object in a position of alterity, separated from the body and therefore signifiable, is seen to be part of the pleasure principle (ibid, p 140), a pleasure derived by separation from the mother, which coincides with a loss. For Coward and Ellis,

[t]his pleasure is the excess which is attacked by the destructive drives, aiming at equilibrium, and projected onto the outside. It is this which provides the model for jouissance, [...] [a] resolution of the desire or tension in the moment where the death drive emerges at the surface (ibid, pp 140-141). This pleasure is projected onto the displaced object. Renata Salecl quotes Alain Miller: "Hatred of the Other is hatred of the Other's enjoyment, of the particular way the Other enjoys" (1993, p 102).

Freud argued that permanent aggressivity was an essential component of the libidinal economy, and Kristeva regarded expulsion as "the semiotic mode of a permanent aggressivity and the possibility of its position and therefore its renewal" (Coward & Ellis, p 140), although Kristeva with Freud locates expulsion with primary narcissism and the oedipus complex ("parallel to the alienation and aggression of the mirror-phase, in that symbolicity necessitates this definitive separation of the subject from the object"; ibid, p 142);.

Pertinent to the question of racism is Kristeva's work on abjection (Powers of Horror, 1982). She describes abjection ("at the crossroads of phobia, obsession, and perversion", ibid, p 45) as a precondition of narcissism (ibid, p 13), "a crisis" (ibid, p 14), with sources in both primary and secondary repression, the subject, always haunted by the Other, "repelling, rejecting; repelling itself, rejecting itself. Abjecting. This struggle fashions the human being" (ibid, p 13).

Kristeva argues that jouissance, that visceral pleasure, brings the abject forth as alienation, decribed as a relation in colonial terms:

It follows that jouissance alone causes the abject to exist as such. One does not know it, one does not desire it, one joys in it. Violently and painfully. A passion. And, as in jouissance where the object of desire, known as object a, bursts with the shattered mirror where the ego gives up its image in order to contemplate itself in the Other, there is nothing either objective or objectal in the abject. It is simply a frontier, a repulsive gift that the Other, having become alter ego, drops so that the "I" does not disappear in it but finds, in that sublime alienation, a forfeited existence (1982, p 9) Kristeva argues that an "archaic economy" is brought into play as strategies of rejection and separation find a symbolic existence, and arguments, demonstrations, proofs ("the logic of the symbolic") are forced into conformity. Later, Kristeva suggests that "the subject of abjection is eminently productive of culture. Its symptom is the rejection and reconstruction of languages" (ibid, p 45). Of the abject as scapegoat, Kristeva looks toward Oedipus Rex. She comments:

The mainstream of tragedy lies in ambiguity; prohibition and ideal are joined to signify that the speaking being has no space of his own but stands on a fragile threshold as if stranded on account of an impossible demarcation" (ibid, pp 84-85). And in reference to the work of Bataille, she comments: "By means of a system of ritual exclusions, the partial object becomes a scription -- an inscription of limits -- an emphasis not on (paternal) law but on (maternal) Authority through the signifying order".

8.

Phobic anxiety is defined as a response to changes in the environment or 'unrecognised factors' in the environment or in the self (stirrings of the unconscious). Writing on the exclusion of Travellers and Roma in Britain, David Sibley (1995) takes the question of the borderline, as much limitation or taboo as comfort and security, and projects a moment where this line is thrown into doubt by the encounter with another 'state', a Kantian trauma. "Problems arise", he asserts,

when the separation of things into unlike categories is unattainable. The mixing of categories [...] creates liminal zones or spaces of ambiguity and discontinuity. [...] For the individual or group socialised into believing that the separation of categories is necessary or desirable, the liminal zone is the source of anxiety. It is a zone of abjection... (ibid, p 32-33). Sibley asserts an urge to separation, at once economic as psychological, spatial and social, peculiarly evident in enclaves of white (or majority) prejudice:

The propositions of object relations theory -- the bounding of the self, the role of good and bad objects as stereotypical relations of others, as well as their representation as material things and places -- can be projected onto the social plane. The construction of community and the bounding of social groups are a part of the same problem as the separation of self and other. [...] The symbolic construction of boundaries in small groups [...] has its counterpart in the marking off of communities in developed western societies. Consciousness of purity and defilement and intolerance of difference secure some groups within the larger spaces of the modern metropolis (ibid, pp 45-46). This is not to legitimate the question of 'defensible space', but rather points towards a psychological internalisation of external space, and locality manifesting as stigmata in the expression of place-based racisms.

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